Tag: General News

By Aaron Allen, The Seattle Medium

Although he might not be a household name, former Seattle Police Detective Joe Tolliver has a place in history as a changemaker, leader, and a trailblazer. Born during the onset of the Great Depression in Bryan, Texas, as the youngest of three siblings, Tolliver’s journey from the segregated South to becoming one of the first Black leaders in the Seattle Police Department (SPD) is a narrative of overcoming immense societal barriers.

In 1948, a 16-year-old Tolliver graduated from high school and subsequently attended Texas College in Tyler, Texas, on an athletic scholarship. He graduated in 1952 with a degree in sociology, during a time when the Jim Crow laws severely limited the opportunities for African Americans in the South.

“After I finished college, I was planning on a teaching and hopefully coaching career,” says Tolliver. “During those times in the late ’40s and early ’50s, African Americans in that part of the country, specifically in Texas, didn’t have many options for careers in state.”

Seeking better opportunities, Tolliver migrated to the Pacific Northwest in 1952, joining his older sister who had already established herself there. This move was part of a larger trend at the time, as “many African American families were migrating from the South” during World War II.

Tolliver’s leadership qualities were further sharpened during his service in the Army from 1953 to 1955, amidst the Korean Conflict. He fondly remembers his time in the military, as his college education and natural acumen for leadership often placed him in roles above his rank.

“I went into the Army in 1953. I served until 1955 and I actually thought had I made the military a career, I really would have enjoyed it,” says Tolliver. “I could read the manuals and follow instructions. I would get the jobs but I wouldn’t get the rank that went along with the job. As a PFC (Private First Class), I was doing the job and holding the positions as a Sergeant, I didn’t get the stripes but I got the responsibility.”

Post-military, Tolliver married Iva, with whom he has shared over 68 years of life.

In 1957, while reading a local newspaper, the Seattle Police Department advertised tests were being administered for those interested in becoming police officers. So, he decided why not and went and took the test.

Out of 400 applicants in late 1958, while taking classes to become a teacher, Tolliver became aware that he had scored very high out of the 400 applicants and was offered the job on the police force.

“Late in 1958 while I was taking the Washington state history classes, I was advised that I had passed the written exam,” Tolliver recalls. “I scored number 25 out of 400 and I was offered the job as a trainee starting in January of 1959.”

Joining the SPD in an era marked by segregation and racial prejudice was not without its challenges, especially during a period where policing for Black officers was basically about policing Black people.

“It wasn’t easy at the time, but I guess a good way to put it, it was challenging,” says Tolliver. “From my study in sociology, I kind of honed my desire and my interest in working with people and at that time, in 1959, there were very, very, very few African Americans in the department. In a department of about 1200 sworn officers, when I came on there was a total of six African Americans.”

He often found himself as the first and only African American in different assignments within the department, a situation that required immense fortitude and adaptability. Tolliver’s approach to his role was community-focused.

“Throughout my career no matter where I was assigned or where I worked, I was often and more likely the first and only African American in that environment,” says Tolliver. “I’d have to say that I had very strong Black mentors that helped me survive because it was not the easiest job.”

Tolliver’s career in the SPD was marked by rapid growth in rank and responsibility. His deep sense of duty to his department and his community, coupled with his keen awareness of the need for representation, propelled his advancement. Early in his career, as a patrolman, he patrolled the neighborhood he lived in, an experience he found profoundly meaningful.

“There was a distinction in the fact of working in the neighborhood where I lived because it gave me a purpose in protecting my family and my community,” reflects Tolliver. “I took the time to know the people that I was serving. I think everybody where I worked knew me because I would take time to get out of the car and talk to the people.”

During his career, Tolliver’s leadership was put to the test as representation at all levels of the department came into question. In the late 1960s, there was only one detective in the force and upon his retirement, Tolliver was promoted to detective and found himself being the only Black detective in the force.

This lack of representation fueled the birth of the Black Law Enforcement Association of Washington (BLEAW), which was co-founded by Tolliver, after a significant influx, at the time, of African Americans into the police force after the Vietnam War.

“There was only one detective at that time and that was Marvin Bagley and historically there had only been one black detective,” recalls Tolliver. “After his retirement, I was promoted to detective and I was the only detective, Black detective, all of that led into the birth of the Black Law Enforcement Association of Washington or BLEAW that we formed.”

In February of 1975, the founding of BLEAW marked a significant milestone in the fight for racial equality within the law enforcement community in Washington. The organization focused on three critical areas: hiring, promotions, and assignments for Black officers. These officers, including Tolliver, found themselves in a civil rights struggle of their own, challenging the department’s practices.

“With 19 of the 22 Black officers being on patrol and me being the only detective, we were just saying we were qualified to do more jobs than just patrol,” Tolliver states. “The lawsuit certainly opened the gates, it was a slow process, frustrating at times, but since that time we have had African Americans at all ranks even up to Chief. But all progress is not swift.”

BLEAW’s efforts culminated in a significant legal battle, spanning over three years, to uphold equity in hiring, promotions, and assignments. The association’s persistence and advocacy eventually paid off, albeit gradually. The lawsuit and subsequent efforts by BLEAW played a pivotal role in breaking down barriers and paving the way for future generations of African American law enforcement officers in Washington.

By Chandelis Duster

(CNN) — A monthslong legal battle between a Texas high school student and his school district over the length of his locs hairstyle has renewed calls to pass a national CROWN Act. Here’s what that means.

What is the CROWN Act?

The CROWN Act and similar laws protect against race-based hair discrimination by making it illegal to deny employment and educational opportunities based on natural hair texture and protective hairstyles.

The legislation, which stands for “Creating a Respectful and Open World for Natural Hair” (CROWN) has been championed by natural hair advocates who argue Black Americans have faced discrimination in the workplace and in schools because of their hair.

What hairstyles are protected by the law?

Although the language of each law differs across the states that draft them, CROWN Act laws generally prohibit discrimination based on hairstyles that are commonly associated with a particular race or culture, including Black hairstyles like locs, braids or Bantu knots.

These styles are known as “protective hairstyles” because they help maintain the health of the hair by tucking strands to prevent additional stress and breakage, which promotes hair to grow. The styles also protect the hair from the overuse of heat from styling tools such as flat irons.

A history of hair discrimination

Discrimination against protective hairstyles dates back to slavery, according to Adjoa B. Asamoah, the lead legislative strategist and co-creator of the CROWN Coalition, an organization that advocates for national legislation banning hair discrimination.

Asamoah said culturally, for many Black people, hair care has become an “intricate part of just our way of being,” linked with family, community and pride.

“You see things like bonding time between mother and child when it’s wash day or get your hair braided if you have an older sibling,” she said. “Those relationships around our hair care also strengthen familial ties.”

But for centuries Black people – especially women – have faced discrimination because of their hair.

Asamoah said historically Black people’s hair has been stereotyped and disrespected, in some cases even “referred to as unsightly or wool.” She also noted in 1786, Louisiana enacted the Tignon laws, which required Black women to cover their heads in cloth. Many women rebelled by wearing elaborate head dresses.

Today, hair discrimination is more commonly seen in professional and educational dress codes, Asamoah said. Those policies frequently favor attires and styles influenced by European standards of beauty, advocates have said.

“We know that hair discrimination includes being fired … being passed over for promotions and even having offers of employment rescinded,” she said. “And it’s been the reason that far too many children, too many Black children in particular, have missed school or had negative educational experiences.”

National CROWN Act efforts have stalled

In March 2022, the then-Democratic controlled House advanced a national CROWN Act legislation but it later stalled in the Senate.

Members of the Congressional Black Caucus in December 2022 wrote a letter to Senate leadership urging them to take action to pass the bill. The measure would have banned race-based hair discrimination in employment, public accommodations and federally assisted programs and housing programs.

Congress has yet to take up the legislation again.

The Biden administration has said it “strongly supports” the CROWN Act and “looks forward to working with the Congress to enact this legislation and ensure that it is effectively implemented.”

The push for federal legislation has also been championed by Dove, National Urban League, Color of Change, the Western Center on Law & Poverty and other advocacy groups.

State efforts gain momentum

But where national efforts to pass the legislation have stalled, the movement has gained momentum at the state-level.

In 2018, video of a school official using scissors to cut a Black student athlete’s locs sparked a backlash online. The high school wrestler was ordered to cut off his locs or forfeit a match, CNN previously reported.

In response, advocates began calling for legislation to protect students – and others – from hair discrimination.

In February 2019, New York City issued “legal enforcement guidance” to the city’s Human Rights Law. The provision ensures New Yorkers’ right to “maintain natural hair or hairstyles that are closely associated with their racial, ethnic, or cultural identities.”

That July, the state followed suit when then-New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo amended the Human Rights Law and Dignity for All Students Act, to clarify both laws also protect against discrimination based on hairstyles or textures associated with race.

California Gov. Gavin Newsom also signed a law in July 2019 that banned hair discrimination. It went into effect the following year.

As of July 2023, more than 20 states have enacted legislation to combat race-based discrimination against hair texture and protective hairstyles, according to the Economic Policy Institute.

A Texas Battleground

In Texas, a version of the law went into effect on September 1, 2023, and was quickly put to the test when Darryl George, a Houston-area high school student, was suspended because the length of his locs hairstyle violated the school’s dress code.

George has faced months of suspension and disciplinary action because the Barber’s Hill Independent School District’s dress code for male students states a “boy’s hair will not extend below the eyebrows, below the ear lobes, or below the top of a t-shirt collar.”

George and his family argue that his hair does not violate the dress code and they’ve also filed a federal civil rights lawsuit against school officials and Texas state leaders, including Gov. Greg Abbott.

The district also filed a lawsuit, asking a Texas judge to declare if the dress code violates the state law. A Texas judge ruled Thursday that the state’s CROWN Act does not make it unlawful for school dress codes to limit a student’s hair length.

In January, the school district’s superintendent, Greg Poole, placed a full page ad in the Houston Chronicle, arguing that “being an American requires conformity with the positive benefit of unity.”

“The litigation is not about what is best for students. Barbers Hill ISD will continue to make decisions to protect and fight for the rights of its community to set the standards and expectations for our school district even if that path takes us to the U.S. Supreme Court.”

For Asamoah, the saga only underscores the need for a national law. She said a child’s education should not be impacted because of their hair.

“That should never be the case,” she said. “We should never see a child missing school based on hair.”

CNN’s Veronica Stracqualursi, Faith Karimi and David Williams contributed this report.

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