“The graves are not yet full.” – Bill Berkeley
Genocide never begins with violence. It begins with language — systematically crafted to dehumanise, divide, and desensitise. Rwanda and Yugoslavia were not failed states; they were fractured societies where identity was weaponised through the media until violence felt logical.
Northern Nigeria today is not Rwanda. But some of the same psychological architecture is quietly forming — this time, across the digital landscape.
At the centre of this emerging danger is the dangerous attempt, often by historically illiterate or politically opportunistic actors, to fracture the historically intertwined Hausa and Fulani identities. This schism is not only false; it is also anti-historical.
The Hausa and Fulani have been politically, culturally, and religiously integrated for over two centuries. A region that was able to resist colonial manipulation and build a strong socio-political synthesis guide by the religious and cultural beliefs that shaped governance, education, and spiritual life of the region. Intermarriage, shared Islamic scholarship, political institutions, and economic cooperation created a fusion that resisted British colonial divide-and-rule strategies.
Even after colonisation, Arewa maintained a relatively cohesive political identity through our religious and traditional institutions, both of which were built on this collaboration between various ethnic nationalities residing in the region. What we now call “Arewa consciousness” was constructed on mutual dependence—not rivalry.
So, the growing digital rhetoric that attempts to pit Hausa against Fulani is not just revisionist—it is a dangerous distortion designed to provoke unrest in an already fragile region.
Across platforms like TikTok, Facebook, and X, we now have an army of algorithm-driven hate mongers spreading hate speech, mockery, and inflammatory content aimed at re-writing the Hausa-Fulani relationship into one of distrust and betrayal. These narratives ignore not only history, but also the current structural challenges confronting the region.
What are we going to fight? Economic crisis, institutional decay, elite fragmentation, and violent non-state actors filling the vacuum left by governance failure? Or these key board warriors and algorithm-driven bandits?
Banditry, kidnapping, and insurgency in the North are not cultural defects. They are consequences of state collapse in rural areas, deepening poverty, and the erosion of traditional and moral authority. But instead of diagnosing the problem, a new wave of digital propagandists prefer to assign ethnic blame — often without the basic historical or sociological knowledge to understand the forces they’re playing with.
This is not just dangerous; it is suicidal. We need to take this seriously before it metamorphosizes into something irreversible.
Freedom of speech cannot be a licence for hate-mongering. The Office of the NSA, DSS, NPF, and Nigerian Army must evolve their digital intelligence capabilities. Genocidal rhetoric is not noise — it is an early warning.
Northern elders, traditional rulers, scholars, and media professionals must re-educate the youth about our shared history. The Hausa-Fulani alliance is not only real; it has been the bedrock of the Arewa political stability and religious scholarship for over 200 years.
Social media platforms operating in Nigeria must not be treated as untouchable foreign entities. If they profit from Nigerian eyeballs, they must protect Nigerian lives. Legal frameworks must hold them accountable for hosting and promoting hate content.
Truth is that you cannot preach peace to people who feel abandoned. Federal and state governments must reinvest in education, rural infrastructure, economic inclusion, and youth employment in the North. Otherwise, alienation will continue to breed extremism — and hatred will find fertile ground.
The Northern political, religious, and business elites must wake up to their historic obligation. Inflammatory silence is complicity. The time for performative concern is over. This requires hard decisions, not just isolated responses.
We are not powerless. But time is short.
History has shown us how societies unravel—not all at once, but step by step, lie by lie, silence by silence. Hausa and Fulani have weathered invasions, colonialism, and political exclusion —together. What must not happen now is for digital agitators to succeed where imperial powers failed.
The graves are not yet full. But history is watching. And it never forgives those who saw danger and did nothing.
Disclaimer: This article is entirely the opinion of the writer and does not represent the views of The Whistler.
Hausa, Fulani, Social Media, And The Shadow Of Genocide is first published on The Whistler Newspaper
Source: The Whistler
